Let’s go back to talking about the middle class. Let’s talk about Sérgio Moro again. Ex-judge, ex-minister, ex-hero. When it comes to the middle class, I can’t think of anyone better than him to represent it. At first, Moro articulated and made a point of publicizing the idea they have about himself: a middle-class hero who, by fulfilling his role as a judge – a position he achieved through a lot of individual effort, that is, on merit – would punish the PT (Workers’ Party) for all the corruption of national politics, mainly concerning Petrobras. Even today, the company is part of their “campaign” vocabulary. With that, he promoted the idea, adopted by the mainstream press, of the Rio-São Paulo axis, that Petrobras had gone bankrupt, was destroyed, because of the PT’s corruption.

Then came another part of the middle class, the opposition, which is a little more literate, the story that Moro worked under the command of the US Department of Justice to politically arrest Lula, with the aim of stopping Petrobras, which, because it was too well, attract the interest of Americans. These only wanted to steal our greatest wealth, oil, and thus destroyed Petrobras itself. This talk did not fall into the belief of workers.

Anyway, there was the realization that Petrobras was not really destroyed. Neither by Moro nor by PT. The data indicated that, despite the difficulties that arise here and there, as with any other company, it was, on the whole, producing a profit. There are those who believe that the agreement with the US was not just political, in which Lula would be a kind of Che Guevara, imprisoned for revolutionary political attitudes. The call was exclusively with the company’s American shareholders, who sought American justice to find out why they were losing money in Brazil. Once again, Moro appears as a hero, as the one who can compensate for Petrobras‘ losses.

Over time, we discovered that PT was right in saying that Moro was a partial judge. When the dialogues between Moro and the prosecutors emerged, publicized by an articulation still little understood between hackers, politicians and information vehicles, this truth even proved to be consensual. The problem is that PT was wrong to say that Moro caused great damage to the nation alone, because he was in government, with Dilma, and could have contained, even if in a radical solution, the advance of lavajatismo and helped the companies that were being affected, such as Odebrecht.

Now, congressmen have triggered justice for Moro to pay the nation for the damage he caused to Petrobras. They will analyze whether the corruption in the company is as great as the damage that Moro himself caused. The game was reversed, and the former judge treated the matter on his networks as a big joke. He did this by insisting that Lula is guilty, in a kind of obsession, despite the fact that the trial was annulled, showing a certain lack of knowledge of the so-called Democratic State of Law, in which everyone is innocent until proven otherwise. For him, Lula is guilty until proven guilty. Or rather, is guilty even if proven otherwise. I insist: we know that the PT is responsible for this too, because it was the government.

In the present, Moro positions himself again. The dissident middle class, represented by him, builds the narrative that Bolsonaro is a minor thief. And the big thief, the biggest of all, is the PT, is Lula. For him, the PT would be organizing to rob Brazil again, and restore a network of international corruption. For him, as a middle-class hero, and as the sociologist Jessé Souza reminds us so well, politics is just corruption or non-corruption. There are no government proposals, even more that take the thousands of Brazilian rabble out of exclusion, marginality, misery, hunger, precarious work. In this matter, he does not even touch. What he understands that needs to be done is to reduce the policy to stealing or not stealing. When did the middle class become so coarse?