It came out what we were all waiting for. Finally, the program for the Lula-Alckmin ticket, written for the campaign, came out. Thus, I propose to make a critical analysis of the main points of this program.

The first impression is that there is nothing new. It is noted that, in recent interviews with newspapers, participation in lives and podcasts, the main points had already been made. Lula‘s position is one of strong, and natural, opposition to the current government.

The program is initially articulated around the problem of work. This is consistent with the party’s identity since its creation, after all we are talking about the Workers’ Party, aren’t we…? Work must be the central element of the PT’s policies. There is, in addition, a brief mention of the fight against corruption, essential to start any kind of dialogue with the middle class. It reiterates the role of the State in the economy, following a social-democratic guideline of reforming capitalism, when it takes a stand in not giving up the State as a promoter of economic policies and social welfare. However, the right can be calm (laughs). The text, beyond the rhetoric, does not present any rupture with the neoliberal capitalist economic policy, nor with communist policies.

At most, it praises Bolsa Família. It was to be expected. It is one of the greatest legacies left by the PT government: democratization of income. Proposes the repeal of the spending ceiling. Of course… He doesn’t make sense anymore. It has been “bored” for a long time, but for not very noble objectives – such as the purchase of Centrão –, or at least not that interest us: health, education, among others, social investment, among others. There is also a mention of the repeal of Michel Temer’s labor reform. What shall we put in place? A new makeover? A kind of counter-reform? The review of the tax regime is another subject mentioned, but not explored.

It is a program, in general, of a soft social democracy, which in no way places any restrictions on the pattern already established since the 1990s: the so-called macroeconomic tripod. It is a neoliberal policy, with a mitigated developmental character. Nothing very different, in rhetorical terms, from the first Lula administration. In rhetorical terms, because the national and international context is radically different, and because its effective practice cannot be guaranteed. After all, we cannot forget that we have a history of opposing PT governments on the ticket: Alckmin himself.

Perhaps, what can be considered a point of the left, is the defense of a strengthening of unions, but without the return of the union tax. How will there be this strengthening, without the tax? And another: a government, state program, talking about unions? It demonstrates that kind of organic relationship between the party and certain union organizations that we already have our criticisms of.

The text also talks about “building a collective bargaining system” and “a special attention to informal and application workers”. It was very open. What does special attention mean? Will they be formalized, or will they remain informal? How to redeem them?

When talking about tax reform, and income taxation, the text does not even mention the distribution of dividends. The financial market, we know, is almost unattainable under current circumstances. Taxing it is essential for a better distribution of income. This area that produces nothing, and lives only on speculation that unequally enriches the population. The financial economy is not a real economy. There is no such thing as financial capitalism coupled with productive capitalism. Our entire system is thus committed to the future: credit expects nothing more that someone will work to fulfill the credit received. Taxation rules do not exist.

You see, dear reader, government programs can be objective, of course. But some points need to be discussed with society. In fact, I think that the ideal is to have a leaner version, and a more elaborate one, presenting point by point what is proposed, for those who are interested, like us. Of course, we are not talking about a program like Bolsonaro’s in 2018, which did not present anything real. But, anyway, that’s the only way to have a participatory democracy.